Note: our list server was malfunctioning yesterday... if you got a reject message, of if you're in doubt, please re-send any messages to the list. rkm ------------------------------------------------------------------------ From: Greg Moses <•••@••.•••> Reply-To: •••@••.••• MIME-Version: 1.0 To: "•••@••.•••" <•••@••.•••> Subject: scary theory Richard--I want to note two sentences from your reply to my message: 1) But we no longer live in more-or-less democratic societies, at least not in North America. 2) We must replace our oppressors across the board. I find these sentences very troubling. If sentence one is true, then a whole range of options would be foreclosed, i.e. voting, letter campaigns to congress, etc. I am reminded of the abolitionists who took such a position (Garrison, etc.). Frederick Douglass eventually disagreed with such an outlook, and he declared his right to treat American democracy as salvageable. I find it hard to believe that things look worse for us today than they looked for Douglass when elites owned slaves. But the problem of sentence one is aggravated by sentence two. If there are no democratic alternatives, then how do you plan to carry out the replacement activities? Any theory which routinely embodies oppression in a class of people, not in the structure of oppression, is a blood-thirsty theory in the end. Finally, it must be said that "hegemony" has no single cause and will thus be defeated by no single movement. When King went to Albany (Georgia) he called for "Freedom Now!"--but he soon learned that such terms do not translate themselves into clear goals. So he later focused upon "public accommodations" in Birmingham and "voting rights" in Selma. This CADRE movement, too, will have to focus on particular issues, one at a time. "Replace the oppressors?" Such logic unnecessarily personalizes a complex structural issue--hegemony runs through each of us--and neglects the more difficult work of framing issues for constructive resolution. Like Douglass, I find myself troubled here. Take care--GregMoses -------------------- Dear Greg & list, Thanks Greg for your `alarmed' response. When I talk about _revolution I'm totally serious, and when people start reeling from the implications of that, then I know they're beginning to take the idea seriously. I grow weary of forums which talk all the time about radical solutions and revolution, and which amount to nothing but theoretical gamesmanship, an amateur branch of academia. I'm very glad you found these sentences troubling; they _are troubling: 1) But we no longer live in more-or-less democratic societies, at least not in North America. 2) We must replace our oppressors across the board. These are not `concepts' that I propose that people `adopt' because they are `desirable' or `advantageous' -- they are rather my best assessement of what the facts happen to be. One can question, at least in the case of the US, whether there was _ever a workable democracy. Chomsky describe in some detail the `Madisonian' concept of democarcy, which was that `the country should be controlled by those who own it', and Madison was the main architect of the Constitution. The Social Democrats (in Europe) and the Democratic Party (in the US) represented a brokering of popular and capital interests, a working out of the terms of their implicit `partnership'. This arrangement _seemed to provide a modicum of democracy, but it can perhaps be better understood as a _co-option of democracy. Democracy _should be about _power being vested in the people, instead under social-democracy we've allowed capital to have the _power (especially in foreign policy and economic sectors) and have satisfied ourselves with an _economic payoff. Now that the elite have decided to stop sharing the economic spoils with northern populations, the last vestiges of even a co-opted democracy have been discarded, and the fact that we have for centuries actually been living in an _oligarchy is becoming apparent to more and more people. A whole range of options are indeed foreclosed -- that is, they are no longer politically effective. You can describe that as _scary, but what is scary to _me is seeing people running around doing things that can have no effect, wasting the scarce activist energy that is so necessary if we _are going to make any real difference. I do not, by the way, say American democracy is unsalvageable, quite the opposite. Contrary to many who consider themselves revolutionary in their perspective, I think the US Constitution, and the Western national systems in general, _must be the centerpiece of a democratic renaissance. It is the competitive-party system and the traditions of power brokerage in Washington (& Ottowa, & London, & Brussels, et al), and all of those other outside-the-constitution customs which are non-democratic, much more so than the Constitution itself. Despite the Madisonian defects, I think it is fair to say that the Constitution _permits genuine democracy, if the people have the gumption to stand up _together and _without violence and create it -- for the first time. This is entirely a _structural argument, by the way, and it is a structural solution that is being proposed. As for whether `hegemony has no single cause' that is a matter of empirical fact, not of theory, and conditions have changed considerably since the Selma marches. If anyone disputes that the capitalist elite are swiftly pulling in the reins of global power today, I would like to see the evidence. King lived in the days when the social-democrat program seemed still to be operative, and in JFK we had in my opinion the last effective and genuine champion of that paradigm to occupy the White House. Any endeavor must of course "focus on particular issues, one at a time", but in the case of overcoming corporate power that does _not mean issues such as the `environment' and `the MAI', it means instead such issues as `educating activists about the futility of single causes', and `ecouraging the formation of broad coalitions'. These are _abstract historical and theoretical topics -- though ultimately personally important to all of us -- and I must use metaphorical language to keep the paper from getting so _dry it ignites on your screen! So I say things like "replace our oppressors across the board". This is _not a personalizing of the problem or of the `enemy', I'm _not talking about lynching politicians or corporate executives -- I'm simply summarizing in a pithy way the the fact that the social-democrat arrangement is dead and we need to create a coalition which has the strength to elect a `clean-sweep' slate of candidates and take power peacefully. I also use military metaphors, such as the phrase "as futile as laying palm leaves before tanks". But _please, `read my lips': I am _very strongly opposed to any violent approach to political change in the `north' (ie `first world'). _Only peaceful revolution is feasible or desirable. On both moral and strategic grounds I and cadre fully embrace Ghandian non-violence. But Ghandi's work in India was _highly _confrontational, he was _pushing the British and pushing them _hard and he (and all his followers and collaborators) eventually _defeated British Imperialism, and British leaders were stinging mad about being defeated! Similarly, non-violent revolution today will be a matter of `assembling forces' and finding ways to `launch campaigns' against the system and to `confront' and `overcome' corporate power and political corruption. In talking about confrontational strategy -- which is what we need to be doing -- one could use chess metaphors, or military metaphors, or perhaps others. It just so happens, perhaps becuase of being exposed to thousands of films with military themes, that the military metaphors `work' for me. But _please, read them as they are intended; the context should make that perfectly clear. rkm •••@••.••• http://cyberjournal.org ------------------------------------------------------------------------