NWO in Iraq, Afghanistan, coming to a “theater” near you!


Jan Slakov

Dear RN list,      May 26

The evidence is, for some of us, overwhelming: that decisions which plummet
whole societies into desperation and hopelessness are being made in secret
(eg. in meetings such as the Bilderberg event coming up in June) and then
sold in a most deceitful manner to us, the public.

Overwhelming also, the task of figuring out how best to counter this evil.

But maybe even exciting too, for maybe those of us who are reading these
postings can find, in working together, some way to make peace, freedom,
health & justice real...

all the best, Jan
Date:   Mon, 24 May 1999 23:55:47 -0400
From: Eric Fawcett <•••@••.•••>
Subject: sfp-82: the New World Order in Iraq and Afghanistan

1] "Iraq is falling apart. We are ruined"
 What is now happening in the Balkans was tried first on the Iraqi capital,
 a city being driven back into the Dark Ages, writes David Sharrock, 
 special correspondent with The Guardian, in Baghdad [and before that in
 Afghanistan - see item 2 below]

 Taking a walk in this benighted city is a lesson in modern warfare. What
 is happening in the Balkans was tested first in Iraq. You only need to
 take a few steps down any Baghdad street to feel the changes -- feared by
 the majority and exploited by the profiteering few -- creeping into every
 facet of life.

 It is clear that something sinister and irrevocable is under way. Beneath
 the outward calm, chaos is bubbling. "Everything you see points to Iraq
 falling apart," says a Baghdad veteran. "This country is becoming a Third
 World nation." Grubby street children sell bubble gum or beg at traffic
 lights and prostitutes walk the major roads; this in a country that has
 undergone a religious revival!

 "Iraq used to be a secular society with an educated population and a
 growing middle class," says a Baghdad professional. "It is simply
 impossible to believe what is happening. Tribalism and religion are
 asserting their old dominance. Urban society has been ruined, people are
 returning to the countryside to find food. We are utterly ruined."
 Go and ask the traders on Rashid Street, known as the "thieves' market",
 what is going on. Or wait until they ask you to explain the"Anglo-American 
 plan" for their liberation. You can find most things in this souk, from a
 video player to a corkscrew -- everything that would have been commonplace 
 in an average Baghdad household before the Gulf war. Now no item is too
 small for resale if it brings in a few US dollars.

 Here I met Karim, a slight figure whose impeccable English betrayed his
 British university education -- civil engineering at Birmingham. He was
 trying, without conviction, to sell black market cigarettes. "Please, I
 would like to ask you a question," he said hesitantly. "You are from
 England? It is a country I love. I made many good friends. I found they
 were gentle people. I want to know, do they know what is happening to
 Iraq? Do they know that our leaders are not getting hurt by the embargo,
 that it is only the ordinary people who you are harming?"

 Quite simply, the West is conducting a monstrous social experiment on the
 people of Iraq. A once-prosperous nation is being driven into the
 pre-industrial Dark Ages. It will take years to fathom the harm being
 done to the lives of 21.7 million people here by a policy intended,
 according to its shapers in Washington and supporters in London, to bring
 Iraq back into the international community of nations by toppling Saddam
 Hussein. Karim is typical of thousands of members of the Iraqi middle
 class. He studied in Britain and returned home to pass on his knowledge.
 "My professor begged me to stay, he said I reminded him of [his] own son
 and that I could make a better life in England," he says. "But I was
 young and idealistic, I wanted to fight to improve my country. I now know
 it was the worst mistake of mylife."  Karim married and found a job as a
 university professor with a salary of around $2,400 a month. That was
 plenty on which to raise his four children before the war, when a quasi-
 socialist system and vast oil wealth gave Iraqis one of the highest
 standards of living in the Middle East.  As long as the oil flowed and
 you kept your nose clean, the excesses of President Saddam's regime --
 the all-enveloping security services and the war with Iran -- could be
 managed with little discomfort.

 Nobody anticipated that President Saddam would invade Kuwait in August
 1990, still less the consequences of his defeat. The West had long been
 an ally, arming Iraq for its proxy war with the Shia fundamentalist
 regime in Iran. Even in 1988, when sarin and mustard gas were rained on
 the Kurds, killing 5,000 in a day at Halabja, Western protests were
 muted.  By challenging the regional order and threatening the status quo
 of the world's oil market, however, he was transformed overnight into
 public enemy number one.

 United Nations security resolutions demanded that the Iraqi regime
 destroy its weapons of mass destruction, but Washington had bolder plans.
 Robert Gates, a deputy national security adviser under President George
 Bush, said that Iraqis would "pay the price" while President Saddam was
 in power. This presupposed that the Iraqi leader cared for his people.
 The economic blockade on Iraq was only partially relieved in 1996, when a
 UN oil-for-food programme was accepted after the World Health Organisation 
 reported that most Iraqis had been on a "semi-starvation diet for years".

 Within a year of the invasion of Kuwait food prices in Iraq increased by
 2,000 per cent. Hyperinflation turned Karim's comfortable salary into the
 equivalent of $5 a month and everything was sold, even his wedding ring.
 The experience has left him deeply suspicious of the United States and
 Britain. "Do they really want to get rid of our friend [the euphemism
 Iraqis employ when they talk about their leader] by killing all of us
 first? Perhaps they are actually helping to keep him in power?" he says.

 The strict rationing has certainly strengthened President Saddam's
 control over his people. On the eve of the 1995 referendum which asked,
 "Do you agree that Saddam Hussein should be president of Iraq?", security
 officers visited the 8 million eligible voters and asked: "Do you know
 how to vote?" and "Are you receiving your food rations?" President Saddam
 won 99.96 per cent of the vote.

 Off Saadoun Street is a pharmacy run by Yussuf Kassab, who should have
 retired after a lifetime's work at the ministry of health. He is forced
 to work because his sons, one a dentist the other an engineer, cannot
 afford to live independently. Many of his clients leave empty-handed,
 unable to obtain even such ordinary items as antihistamines and cough
 linctus. The situation has improved slightly over the past six months,
 but Dr Kassab says: "There is a restricted amount of many of these
 products in circulation, so the patients . . . will just keep going round
 the city looking. Maybe they will be lucky."

 Ominously, a recent UN security council report notes that as of late
 January $274 million of supplies and medicine purchased under the oil-for-
 food programme had accumulated in government warehouses -- more than half
 of the supplies that have arrived in Iraq. Under the programme Iraq is in
 charge of distribution, not the UN. "According to information provided by
 UN observers, only 15per cent of all medical equipment received by the
 warehouses had been distributed," it says.

 One officer in the relief field comments: "Two months ago I would have
 said point blank that I did not believe that the Iraqi government was
 deliberately starving its people or depriving them of essential medicines, 
 but I'm coming round to the view that, as part of their plan, someone
 somewhere is not rushing these things through as much as they might."
 Dennis Halliday, an Irish Quaker who was the UN humanitarian co-ordinator, 
 resigned from his post last summer, bitterly observing that sanctions had
 killed a million Iraqis, including 500,000 children. But when this
 statistic was put to the US secretary of state, Madeleine Albright, in
 1996, when she was US ambassador to the UN, she replied: "I think this is
 a very hard choice but the price -- we think the price is worth it."

 Today about 5,000 children are dying every month because of the poor
 water supplies, an inadequate diet and a lack of health care. Malnutrition 
 among children under five, having fallen from 32 per cent since the
 introduction of the oil-for-food programme, is now stubbornly stuck at 23
 per cent.

 Pierrette Vu Thi, a planning officer for Unicef, has a different spin on
 one of the US military planners' favourite buzzwords -- "degradation".
 While advocates of the military option talk about "degrading" President
 Saddam's capacity to threaten his neighbours, Ms Vu Thi says that the
 real "degradation" is occurring in Iraq's social fabric. Half of the
 country's schools are not fit for occupation, 10,000 teachers have given
 up their jobs because they cannot survive on the salary of $3.50-$10 a
 month, and 30 per cent of children have dropped out of school. "The
 oil-for-food programme has not addressed this degradation," she says.
 Ms Vu Thi is careful to stop short of Mr Halliday's assessment of the
 merits of the sanctions campaign, merely stating "Unicef's great concern".

 Crime is rising as Iraq's infrastructure crumbles. Electricity supplies
 are running at only 40 per cent of their pre-war levels. Up to $41
 billion is needed to restore an adequate supplies of water, electricity,
 education and health care.  

 Meanwhile continuing bombing raids in the "no-fly zones" in the north
 and south of Iraq are the heart of the latest  phase in the US-British
 war on the country.  A US assertion that around 200 bombs have been dropped 
 in "self-defence" on Iraqi military installations since Operation Desert
 Fox ended is "far below reality", according to an independent observer. 
 "The Iraqi claim that 3,200 sorties have been flown by the Americans and 
 British since Desert Fox is accurate.  It is very nearly the same number 
 as in the whole of the air campaign during the Gulf war. They are fighting 
 a low-intensity, high-technology, undeclared war."

 Another Western source agrees, but doubts whether the Americans and
 British are any nearer to removing President Saddam from power. "The
 Americans are gaining much more by chipping away every day at his
 military infrastructure than with a four-day intensive blitz as in
 December," he says. "The air strikes are happening on a daily basis but
 are going virtually unreported . . . I don't know if they have a
 strategy, it just looks like lashing out."

 The Iraqi people usually know what is going on, thanks to the Voice of
 America, the BBC World Service and the bush telegraph. They have just
 been told that the US is not at war with Iraq but rather, in the surreal
 phrase of Thomas Pickering, the US undersecretary of state for political
 affairs, in a "state of animosity" with Baghdad. Intriguingly Mr Pickering 
 also told a US senate hearing that the UN oil-for-food programme was a
 linchpin for Washington's efforts to maintain sanctions.

 And according to the British junior foreign office minister Tony Lloyd,
 the UK government "has decided to launch a new policy of better-targeted,
 'smarter sanctions', which will ensure that "the people who are hit are
 the ones who should be hit". "Ah, your Mr Robin Cook," said Karim,
 catching sight of the foreign secretary on an Iraqi news programme. 
 "He said he was going to give Britain an ethical foreign policy, didn't
 he? Can you ask him for me, what is there ethical about what he is doing
 to me or all the other ordinary Iraqis?"

 At the Saddam Hospital for Children there is ample opportunity to study
 the consequences of this ethical foreign policy. Ayat Abbad is a year old
 yet weighs a little more than 3kg, half her ideal weight. Like thousands
 of other babies she is suffering from marasmus, a type of malnutrition
 that was unheard of in Iraq before the Gulf war and the sanctions, and
 has suffered gastroenteritis and pneumonia The duty doctor holds out
 little hope for her survival. "She will either die before the end of the
 year or she will live and grow up stunted and with low intelligence," he
 says. "It is not just the lack of medicines, they have created an entire
 culture of embargo . . . we are not receiving new-generation drugs,
 advances in medicine, science, food, anything."

 Besieged by US and British policy and by a government that treats its
 people as bargaining chips, the real casualties of this war are those who
 can least afford to pay the price or raise their voices to be heard.
 What poses the greater danger to the West's "vital regional interests" in
 the future: the survival of Presidents Saddam or a generation of Iraqis
 made bitter by the indifference of Western countries running daily raids
 in "self-defence"?

 The Guardian Weekly Volume 160 Issue 18 for week ending May 2, 1999, P11
2] The Afghan Trap: Interview with Brezinski
Le Nouvel Observateur (France), Jan 15-21, 1998, p. 76, 
translation Bill Blum

Q: The former director of the CIA, Robert Gates, stated in his memoirs, From
the Shadows, that American intelligence services began to aid the Mujahadeen
in Afghanistan 6 months before the Soviet intervention.  In this period you
were the national security adviser to President Carter.  You therefore played
a role in this affair.  Is that correct?

Brzezinski:  Yes.  According to the official version of history, CIA aid to
the Mujahadeen began during 1980, that is to say, after the Soviet army
invaded Afghanistan, 24 Dec 1979.  But the reality, secretly guarded until
now, is completely otherwise: Indeed, it was July 3, 1979 that President
Carter signed the first directive for secret aid to the opponents of the
pro-Soviet regime in Kabul.  And that very day, I wrote a note to the
president in which I explained to him that in my opinion this aid was going
to induce a Soviet military intervention.

Q: Despite this risk, you were an advocate of this covert action.  But
perhaps you yourself desired this Soviet entry into war and looked to provoke

B: It isn't quite that.  We didn't push the Russians to intervene, but we
knowingly increased the probability that they would.

Q: When the Soviets justified their intervention by asserting that they
[entendaient] to fight against a secret [ingérence] of the United States in
Afghanistan, people didn't believe them.  However, there was a basis of
truth.  You don't regret anything today?

B: Regret what?  That secret operation was an excellent idea.  It had the
effect of drawing the Russians into the Afghan trap and you want me to regret
it?  The day that the Soviets officially crossed the border, I wrote to
President Carter: We now have the opportunity of giving to the USSR its
Vietnam war.  Indeed, for almost 10 years, Moscow had to carry on a war
unsupportable by the government, a conflict that brought about the
demoralization and finally the breakup of the Soviet empire.

Q: And neither do you regret having supported the Islamic [intégrisme],
having given arms and advice to future terrorists?

B: What is most important to the history of the world?  The Taliban or the
collapse of the Soviet empire?  Some stirred-up Moslems or the liberation of
Central Europe and the end of the cold war?

Q: Some stirred-up Moslems?  But it has been said and repeated: Islamic
fundamentalism represents a world menace today.

B: Nonsense!  It is said that the West had a global policy in regard to
Islam.  That is stupid.  There isn't a global Islam.  Look at Islam in a
rational manner and without demagoguery or emotion.  It is the leading
religion of the world with 1.5 billion followers.  But what is there in
common among Saudi Arabian fundamentalism, moderate Morocco, Pakistan
militarism, Egyptian pro-Western or Central Asian secularism?  Nothing more
than what unites the Christian countries.

Richard Moore notes [with my additional comments]

    1) The intentional setting of traps to achieve desired outcomes.
       [consider the parallels in Iraq and Yugoslavia]
    2) The explicit lack of concern regarding the pawns in the game, in
       particular, the lack of regret about the Taliban outcome.
       [the Kurds, Iraqi people, Serbs, Kosovars....] 
    3) The admission that actual plans and goals, involving top levels
of government, are routinely kept secret for years - covered over by PR lies.
For nearly 20 years, B. tells us, a major conspiracy was successfully kept
secret from the American people and the world.  There were changes of
administration, and changes of personnel in the various agencies invovled,
and yet nothing leaked out of the mainstream media.  People at the highest
level of government were in the know, along with who-knows-how-many field
agents, support personnel, administrative staff, media insiders, etc. etc.

There is an "official version of history" and then there is reality - the
discrepancy is called "conspiracy" - and by some means or the other, such
conspiracies can be kept secret successfully for decades.  The Afghan Trap
is only one of many that have come to light and been well documented, if
not admitted outright as in this case.
Note from Jan: For those of you who are concerned about the allegations that
medicines and supplies are not being distributed properly by the Iraqi
government, the excerpt from the Voices in the Wilderness message below,
which Richard sent to the cj list, is pertinent. (It is not impossible that
the Iraqi goverment lacks zeal in getting what few supplies are allowed past
the sanctions to the people. But this is no reason for us to forget our own
responsibility in this crime.)

Subject: cj#949> VItW: Meanwhile, crimes continue in Iraq...
Date: Mon, 22 Mar 1999 15:53:06 -0600
From: Voices In the Wilderness <•••@••.•••>

Dear Friends,

Upon return from Iraq, we learned about reports accusing the Iraqi
government of deliberately withholding medicines, stashing them in
warehouses rather than delivering them to needy people. Puzzled, we asked
our delegation that's presently in Iraq, the Boston delegation, (March 15 -
28 1999), to doublecheck with UN authorities in Baghdad regarding these
allegations.  On March 18, Jennifer Horan, of the Boston delegation, called
to say that she spoke with Dr. Habib Rejeb, MD of the World Health
Organization, in his UN office in Baghdad, and that he urged nations not to
throw stones at Iraq because it has problems distributing medicines.  He
detailed the litany of difficulties facing Iraqi workers responsible for
food and medicine distribution. The Boston delegation will supply us with a
full report, upon return. You may recall excerpts from a VitW November '98
interview with Dr. Rejeb in which he explained that Resolution 986, the oil
for food deal, doesn't allow for any cash to purchase equipment needed to
distribute relief shipments or to hire Iraqi relief workers. Many of you
will have already heard Denis Halliday and Phyllis Bennis further describe
the flaws in implementing current UN Resolutions.

Denis Halliday and Phyllis Bennis, nearing the end of their cross country
tour, were enthused by the assortment of tenacious, creative groups they'd
met, all dedicated to ending the sanctions against Iraq.  Impressed by this
compassionate network, they suggested that we change our name to "Voices,"
since we're no longer facing a wilderness.  We're encouraged.  Yet we still
long for a time when Iraqi childrenís voices will reach us with exuberant
laughter, energy and joy, unclouded by anguished affliction.  Till then, we
remain your companions in a determined struggle.


Kathy Kelly
for Voices in the Wilderness

Voices in the Wilderness
    A Campaign to End the US/UN Economic Sanctions Against the People of Iraq
1460 West Carmen Ave.
Chicago, IL 60640
ph:773-784-8065; fax: 773-784-8837
email: •••@••.•••
website: http://www.nonviolence.org/vitw


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