cj#1152,rn> Guidebook 1.c: “Kultur-kampf: enforcing the New World Order”

2000-11-23

Richard Moore


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        A GUIDEBOOK: HOW THE WORLD WORKS AND HOW WE CAN CHANGE IT
        (C) 2000, Richard K. Moore
        http://cyberjournal.org

   Chapter 1:

   How does the world work today, and where is it headed?

        a. Globalization and the West: a covert coup d'etat
        b. Globalization and the third world: empire by another name
 ===>   c. Kultur-kampf: enforcing the New World Order
        d. Economic globalization: Robber Barons writ large
        e. Decoding propaganda: matrix vs. reality
        f. Capitalism's growth imperative and societal engineering
        g. Elite rule and the Dark Millennium

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   1.c. _Kultur-kampf_: enforcing the _New World Order_

            "_The Clash of Civilisations_, the book
        by Harvard professor Sam Huntington, may
        not have hit the bestseller lists, but
        its dire warning of a 21st century
        rivalry between the liberal white folk
        and the Yellow Peril -- sorry, the
        Confucian cultures -- is underpinning the
        formation of a new political environment.
            "To adapt one of Mao's subtler
        metaphors, Huntington's Kultur-kampf is
        becoming, with stunning speed, the
        conceptual sea in which Washington's
        policy-making fish now swim."
        - Guardian Weekly, April 6, 1997.

   Imperialism - whatever name it goes under - always
   requires military force to maintain its control
   over subjugated peoples. Up until 1945 each major
   power had its own sphere of influence, and used its
   own military to keep the dominions under control.
   After 1945, the U.S. took over the job of
   maintaining "order" in the "free world" on behalf
   of the West generally. This self-appointed role of
   _global cop_ involved hundreds of military and
   covert interventions in the affairs of nations
   around the globe. Regular interventions will
   continue to be needed in order to enforce IMF-style
   imperialism, and new mechanisms are being developed
   for that purpose. This too is part of
   globalization.

   Desert Storm established important precedents for
   how the new regime intends to maintain global
   order. This fact was suggested by President George
   Bush himself - perhaps in an elated moment of
   unplanned candor - when he declared at the end of
   the bombing that a "new world order" had been
   established. He didn't elaborate, but he didn't
   need to. Desert Storm spoke for itself, in the many
   precedents that it set.

   America had never been shy of intervening
   unilaterally whenever its interests were threatened
   - as they surely seemed to be in Kuwait. And yet
   this time Washington chose to waste months seeking
   a UN resolution authorizing the action. It wasn't
   really international _assistance_ that was being
   sought, because in the end the operation was an
   overwhelmingly American affair. It was the _token
   of legitimacy_ that was being sought, in the form
   of the resolution and in the form of nominal troop
   contingents from what was euphemistically referred
   to as "the allies." It was a _precedent_ which the
   U.S. was seeking, and in his statement Bush,
   perhaps inadvertently, simply underscored this fact
   which was already evident from the events
   themselves.

   Subsequently there have been a whole series of
   comparable interventions carried out, including in
   Albania, East Timor, Yugoslavia, and several in
   Africa. Each intervention was preceded by a
   media-blitz sales campaign and in the end the
   action was generally accepted as being the
   "humanitarian" will of the "international
   community." U.S. President Clinton and UK Prime
   Minister Tony Blair have both made public
   pronouncements that such interventions can be
   expected to continue - and neither one said
   anything about UN approval being required. The only
   requirement is that the intervention be wrapped in
   humanitarian garb - which the corporate media is
   very proficient at doing by means of one-sided
   emotional coverage.

   Globalization's centralized regime does indeed
   represent a _New World Order._ The WTO and its
   sister bureaucracies amount to a corporate/elite
   world government, while NATO and the Pentagon act
   as the military enforcer of that government's sense
   of order. The global corporate media plays the role
   of Ministry of Propaganda, selectively arousing
   humanitarian sympathies, and thereby delivering
   public approval of enforcement interventions.
   "Free-trade" treaties prevent Western nations from
   determining their own economic destinies, while the
   IMF exercises even more direct control over
   third-world economies. All national governments are
   being reduced to the level of _client states_ of
   the global regime.

   A world empire has been created for the first time
   in history, and it is ruled not by a dominant
   nation, but by a handful of elite institutions. The
   USA may _seem_ to be the dominant nation, but it
   would be more accurate to say that America was
   simply the first nation to be subverted by the
   covert revolution. Both major American political
   parties are committed to globalization's agenda,
   giving voters no real choice in the matter. And it
   is Western corporations and elites generally who
   benefit from that agenda, not just American ones.
   U.S. taxpayers pay most of the burden of imperial
   management, and the American economy does benefit
   somewhat from being the home base of the global
   regime, but Americans too are being disenfranchised
   and their quality of life is deteriorating along
   with everyone elses. WTO rulings have overturned
   U.S. laws, just as they have overturned the laws of
   other nations.

   Earlier I quoted from a planning document prepared
   during World War II by the Council on Foreign
   Relations (CFR). From such documents, and from
   subsequent government actions, we learn the
   motivations behind policy and we also learn that
   elite think tanks such as the CFR play a decisive
   role in achieving elite consensus and in
   determining policy priorities. One of the most
   articulate and respected articulators of CFR policy
   is Harvard history professor Samuel P. Huntington,
   whose 1973 artcle, _Crisis of Democracy_, was cited
   earlier. In 1997 Huntington published a book which
   outlines in detail the architecture of the New
   World Order - the elite plan for global management.
   His book is called, quite appropriately, _The Clash
   of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order._

   In his book Huntington appears to be analyzing the
   course of civilization. He traces certain trends,
   and attempts to show that the world is heading
   toward an orientation around ethnicity. He
   identifies nine 'civilizations' characterized by
   ethnicity. He explains that the old hope of
   universal democratization is dead because some
   civilizations have non-Western, non-democratic
   values - we need to face up to the inherent
   differences between civilizations, and their mutual
   antagonisms, and manage accordingly. He suggests
   that the role of the enlightnened Western nations
   should be to adjudicate disputes, as altruistic and
   neutral third parties.

   As analysis, Huntington's treatment cannot be taken
   seriously. He makes rash characterizations of
   cultures - which may agree with popular stereotypes
   - but which have little basis in reality. He
   attributes altruistic motives to Western nations in
   contradiction to their current and historic
   behavior. He blames third-world cultures for being
   undemocratic, completely ignoring that most
   third-world dictators have been installed and
   funded by the West. He writes of a mythological
   reality - one which serves the interests of the
   elite global regime. With the advent of
   'humanitarian warfare' we can see Huntington's
   prescription being implemented as Western policy,
   along with its presumption of Western neutrality
   and benevolence.

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Recommended reading.

Samuel P. Huntington, "The Clash Of Civilizations and the
Remaking of World Order," Simon and Schuster, London, 1997.

William Blum, "Rogue State - a Guide to the World's Only
Superpower," Common Courage Press, Monroe Maine, 2000.
     A comprehensive review of how the US government manages
world affairs by force and intrigue when persuasion and
economic pressure fail to do the job. A red-pill antidote for
anyone who feels tempted to trust the "international
community" to pursue "humanitarian interventionism." See also
Blum's earlier book, "Killing Hope - U.S. Military and CIA
Interventions since World War II," also from Common Courage
Press.

"Covert Action Quarterly" magazine, published quarterly by
Covert Action Publications, Inc., Washington D.C. 1994,
http://www.covertaction.org.
     Keeps you up-to-date on covert activities, cover-ups,
military affairs, and current trouble spots. Contributors
include many ex-intelligence officers who saw the error of
their ways.

Michael Parenti, "The Sword and the Dollar, Imperialism,
Revolution, and the Arms Race," St. Martin's Press, New York,
1989.
     One of many red-pill books by a prolific and
well-informed author. Here he talks about the reality of
imperialism and the matrix of Cold War rhetoric. For an
insightful examination of how matrix reality is fabricated,
see also his "Make-Believe Media," and "Inventing Reality,"
also from St. Martin's.


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