============================================================================ A GUIDEBOOK: HOW THE WORLD WORKS AND HOW WE CAN CHANGE IT (C) 2001, Richard K. Moore http://cyberjournal.org/cj/guide/ Chapter 2: What kind of world do we want? a. Globalization: crisis and opportunity ===> b. The Moment of Global Convergence c. Fundamental principles of a livable world d. Localism, diversity, and genuine democracy e. Sustainability and its political implications f. Decentralized sovereignty and global stability g. Human evolution and the liberation of the spirit --------------------------------------------------------- 2.b. The Moment of Global Convergence The futility of trying to reform capitalism ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ There is a long historical relationship between capitalism and reform. Wherever capitalism has arisen it has brought exploitation, and that in turn has led to reform efforts by popular movements. The high water mark of Western reform, in its relationship with capitalism, was in the postwar era - 1945-1980. During that era prosperity was widespread, and continued good times were anticipated by most people. Significant gains were made in regulating anti-social corporate behavior, opening up governmental processes, and protecting the environment. In Britain and Europe many industries and services were put under public control, so they could be run for public benefit rather than private profit. Following the popular movements of the 1960s and 1970s, the ending of the Vietnam War, and Nixon's Watergate disgrace, many people assumed that America, and perhaps the whole West, had entered a new age of greater democracy and ongoing structural reform. They thought the Aquarian Age had dawned. But that was not to be. In 1980 Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher led a counter-offensive that stopped reform dead in its tracks and began driving it into retreat in the US and UK. The Maastricht Treaty carried the neoliberal plague across the channel to Europe, and it has since become the dominant global doctrine. The postwar reform era survived only as long as it remained compatible with capital growth. When growth opportunities began to dry up, elites promptly and effectively changed the rules, beginning with Britain and the US - so that new growth opportunities could be created. Many decades of reform, representing the struggle of millions of workers and good-hearted citizens around the world, was all undone in a few short years by this neoliberal assault. In Section 1.f we looked at capitalism's growth imperative, and noted that capitalist elites _routinely engage in this kind of societal engineering. The radical changes introduced by Reagan and Thatcher dramatically illustrate this process, but that is only one episode from an ongoing series. Every piece of corporate-backed legislation represents a micro-engineering project, introducing yet another corporate advantage into the rules of society. IMF structural-adjustment programs are examples of macro engineering: each defines the overall framework under which some unfortunate third-world nation must operate. 'Reform' - as used today by Western officials - is simply a name for a series of engineering changes being applied to society, under the misleading banner of 'free competition'. Capitalism _requires growth. At the top of the heap, the big banks and investors make their money exclusively from growth investments. If none were available, they would withdraw their immense funds from the markets and the rest of the global economy would collapse. Over the past 150 years or so, Western economies have been gradually re-engineered to the point where they now depend at every level on growth to continue functioning. Our very money system is based on banks lending money into existence. The only way the funds can be repaid is for the borrower to go out there in the marketplace and gather more funds than he borrowed, in competition with every other business and entrepreneur. And when you add on the interest charges, there just aren't enough funds available to enable all the repayments. Hence the money system itself forces businesses to desperately seek monetary growth. Capitalism can be compared to an automobile, and growth to its petrol (gasoline). If we want to use the automobile to get around, then we must provide petrol. Similarly, if we want to base our economies on capitalism, then we must permit growth - and the societal changes that go with it. To think we can reform away the growth or the changes, while retaining capitalism, would be like sitting behind the wheel of our car and expecting it to run on an empty tank. It is asking for the impossible. And yet growth, in the way that capitalism defines it, is destroying the planet. A livable world cannot be achieved by reforming capitalism. The necessity of a regime change ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ People often name _greed as the explanation for why capitalism is always seeking greater growth. If it were only greed, then there might be some hope of struggling to reform it. Greedy people can be persuaded to survive on less, even if they don't like it - if put under sufficient pressure. But what if you ask them to give up everything they've got? In that case you are backing them into a desperate corner, and they will resist to their last breath. That is how it is when we seek substantial reform from the capitalist regime. For the regime to accept such reform would be agreeing to the collapse of their whole system. From their perspective, they are protecting _us as well as themselves by resisting substantive reform. Indeed, they often refer to public opposition as 'misguided sentimentalism'. The closer one is to the center of power, the more impossible it becomes to imagine the system being substantially transformed. We must understand that previous reform 'successes' have been in fact temporary accommodations. Whenever the people made enough noise, they would be granted some concessions - _but only as long as way could be found to continue capital growth_. The postwar reform era was embraced because a grand new project of third-world development had been launched, and for nearly thirty years that project provided enough revenue to fund both capital growth and popular prosperity in the West. When the boom evaporated - as they always must - the accommodations and prosperity were promptly withdrawn. We then found out where the real power lies in Western society. "All around the mulberry bush, the monkey chased the weasel. The monkey thought it was all in fun, Pop! goes the weasel." - traditional children's song Ever since the Industrial Revolution began, the popular monkey has been chasing the elite weasel around the national political arena - playing the game of 'Reform'. The monkey thought the game would go on forever - but the weasel has put an end to the game and has turned on the monkey with a ferocious attack. Globalization signals a strategic decision by the regime to abandon any efforts at reaching a mutual accommodation with Western populations. With globalization the regime has launched a full-scale assault on Western societies, aimed at dismantling them and disempowering them - leaving no firm ground for the people to stand on. That's why devolution in Britain and Europe is now being encouraged - while in earlier decades popular initiatives toward devolution were firmly resisted. Major political parties in the West are all committed to the neoliberal agenda - making it clear that 'politics as usual' can only hasten our decline into the Dark Millennium. At the Rio Earth Summit, and at the more recent summit in Nice, the regime made it clear that organized international initiatives for substantial reform will not succeed. The arrogant ferocity with which police have suppressed anti-globalization demonstrations makes it clear that direct popular initiatives for substantial reform will not be tolerated. The regime is firmly committed to pursuing capital growth, regardless of the human and environmental costs - and the regime is firmly committed to using every means at its disposal to defend that agenda. A livable world cannot be achieved until capitalist-style growth is abandoned. The current regime is irrevocably committed to the capitalist system and is intent on suppressing all attempts at fundamental change. Only by removing the current regime from power altogether - both internationally and within our nations - can we begin to make those fundamental changes necessary to assure the survival and well-being of humanity. The Moment of Global Convergence ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ If we look at history, we find only three ways that entrenched regimes have ever been removed from power. Either they have been removed by forces external to the realm, or power has been usurped by a faction from within the ruling hierarchy, or else a mass popular movement has been the agent of change. There is no 'outside' that can effectively challenge today's global regime, and a power shift within the hierarchy would leave our situation basically unchanged. A mass movement is the only available means to replace the regime and permit the development of a livable world. The 'historical moment' is right for such an endeavor, based on the opportunities and discontents created by globalization itself. The challenge is clear for those who seek to achieve a livable world: our task is to participate in the development a movement which can effectively engage the regime and which can go on to lay down the foundations of a better world. For such a movement to succeed, it will need to be _very broad based, and it must be global in scope - since the regime is global in scope and is well prepared to defend itself. The movement will need to be particularly strong in America, since Uncle Sam continues to dominate the globe militarily and could suppress an uprising anywhere else (as it does regularly already). The movement cannot leave out any significant segment of the population, or else that segment would be exploited by the regime to divide the movement and to provide a base of support for itself. Besides, what segment of the population would we want to leave out of our new society? We _all need to live together in the new world, and now is the right time to start finding out how we're going to do that. Building a movement together is an ideal way to learn how to work with one another, and to learn from one another. In Chapter three we will look into the questions of movement strategy and organization, and the prospects for success. In looking at these questions, we will consider not only the challenge of overcoming the regime, but also the problem of following through and laying lasting foundations for a livable world. History is full of mass movements which toppled regimes - only to have power usurped in the end game by new tyrants. We will seek to identify movement structures which can sustain the vision and coherence of the movement even through the crisis of victory, and which can avoid the turmoil and confusion that can so easily follow the collapse of a central regime. For now, let us assume that a broad-based global movement _does arise and achieve victory, and that it maintains its coherence after that victory. Such an event would bring us to an historic _Moment of Global Convergence_. For the first time ever the people of the world would have an opportunity to collectively chart their own destiny - without pressure from outside threats, and without compromise with an existing regime. We would have the opportunity to set up a lasting global system, and we would have the opportunity to refashion the nature of our societies and our communities. We could establish an economic system that serves human needs, that respects the Earth which nourishes us, and which is not limited by any ideological agenda. All possibilities would be opened to us, constrained only by our own human limitations and those of the Earth and Universe. Fortunately, this appealing scenario is precisely what we _should be assuming as we consider the question, "What kind of world to we want?". After all, if a global mass movement does not achieve victory, then the regime will not be toppled - and if the regime is not toppled, we will have no chance to implement any of our visions. IN OUR STRUGGLE WITH THE CAPITALIST REGIME, WE WILL GET ALL OR WE WILL GET NOTHING. The canvas before us is a broad one indeed - proceeding on the assumption that victory has been achieved. Our challenge in this chapter is to explore how we will be able to make best use of the Moment of Global Convergence. We will not be engaging here in idle utopian dreaming, rather we will be seriously considering our constraints and opportunities, as a movement and as a species. We can hope by this investigation to make a useful contribution to the emerging movement. For the movement to begin to come together, one of the things it will need to develop is a unifying platform of movement objectives - a vision of the world the movement is seeking to create. That platform / vision will need to emerge from the movement itself, organically, as part of the collaborative movement process. What we can attempt in this chapter is to put together a comprehensive platform outline, and put it forward for consideration by the various constituencies of the infant movement. The remainder of this chapter is intended for three different audiences. First, it is intended for general readers: may you be encouraged to think outside the limits of our current, hierarchically-constrained societies. Second, the chapter is addressed to movement activists: may you seek alliances among diverse constituencies, and think in terms of coalition agendas. Finally, the chapter is a timecapsule addressed to the future victorious movement: may you show wisdom in the structures you establish. --------------------------------------------------------- ============================================================================