Friends, Based on your very useful feedback, I have taken a totally different approach to the Introduction. Many thanks! rkm -------------------------------------------------------- draft version 4.1 INTRODUCTION If, twenty years ago, I had noticed a book on the shelves about "global transformation," I imagine I would have passed it by. Such topics, I would have assumed, were for philosophers, mystics, or ideological fanatics. "Transformation" had no real political relevance, neither as a desired goal nor as a likely possibility. Our Western societies certainly needed improving, but no sensible person thought in terms of whole new systems, or questioning the wisdom of such basic things as progress and capitalism. A lot has changed in the last twenty years. We now find a rich and popular genre of "new system" literature, exemplified by David Korten's, "The Post-Corporate World -- Life After Capitalism." We are beginning to see a convergence among several threads of thinking. There is the 'sustainability' thread, with its whole-system perspective, and its understanding that economic growth is destroying our life-support systems. There is the 'economics' thread, challenging the dominant free-market models, and leading to deeper critiques of our banking and finance systems, and the basis of our currencies. There is the 'corporate-power' thread, and its understanding that our media, and our governments, have become the willing agents of greedy corporate agendas. There is the 'imperialist-critique' thread, exemplified by Noam Chomsky, with its understanding of the naked power that characterizes international affairs and American foreign policy in particular, and its understanding of the propaganda and deception that characterize the corporate media and official government statements. In my 'Annotated bibliography,' I've tried to include a comprehensive sampling of this genre. In these various threads of thinking and research, we can see a consensus emerging that the basic systems of our global society -- as a whole -- have become dysfunctional. We -- the people of the world -- are like the owner of an old car that has been repaired many times, and which is beyond further repair: we must begin thinking seriously about a new vehicle -- a transformed basis for society. And indeed, this genre of new-system literature has moved quite a bit beyond critique of the "old car." Serious thought and research has been devoted to understanding how our global food supply can be produced sustainably and without harmful pesticides, how we can reduce our energy usage, and how we can develop sustainable and non-polluting sources of energy and modes of transport. Similarly, new models of currencies and economic exchange have been developed, which can enable a more productive and equitable kind of economics to operate -- an economics based on real productivity, as measured by benefit to people, rather than one based on the raw maximization of economic activity. From both the sustainability and economics threads has emerged a systems perspective oriented around decentralization, and moving decision-making toward the local: local control makes for efficient economic operations and facilitates effective stewardship of natural resources. Transformation of the systems of our society, it seems, has become a respectable topic of investigation -- and the popularity of the various books indicates that interest in this topic is not limited to a group of visionary thinkers and researchers. Indeed, in the anti-globalization movement, we see evidence of a broadly based, highly vocal, global constituency for fundamental change in our societies. Critics of that movement frequently accuse it of being "anti-everything," and "not having a positive program." That criticism may not be adequately addressed by the slogans of the protestors in the streets, but it is answered rather substantially by the emerging genre of transformational research and analysis. The technical problems involved in making our world more sensible are not insurmountable. If the "societal will" existed, we could create functional and sustainable systems, put an end to war and poverty, live peacefully and happily ever after -- and we could fund the conversion project with a small fraction of what we would save from our cancelled military budgets. It would be an immense project, but none of it is rocket science. The major obstacles to social transformation are not technical but political; they are bound up in the question, "What is our societal will?" In fact, our societal will is the will of our government leaders. If they decide to invade Iraq, for example, then the resources of our society, and our men and women in uniform, are devoted to that objective -- regardless of public sentiment regarding the adventure. And when it comes to transformation of the systems of our societies, our government leaders are dead set against any such notion. They are irrevocably committed to the paradigm of unending economic growth. The corporate domination of our political process permits only one agenda: "more of the same." The response of our governments to the emerging transformational analysis has been dramatically symbolized in their brutal suppression of the various anti-globalization protests. Of all of our societal systems, the most resistant to transformation is our political system. So long as our political systems are controlled by corporate interests, none of our other systems can be transformed. Revitalization of democracy turns out to be the critical factor in social transformation. And indeed, as part of the emerging transformational analysis, there is an important thread concerned with 'revitalizing democracy.' My purpose in writing this book is to weave together the various emerging threads into a comprehensive tapestry of social transformation. The first chapter is devoted to examining our existing systems and the propaganda matrix that seeks to maintain those systems through deception and obfuscation. The remainder of the book seeks to identify a practical path for achieving the global transformation of our societies. The book is self-contained and it begins from first principles. I refer to the existing literature, and I have certainly been informed by it, but a reader who is new to this genre will find here a complete treatment that can be understood and evaluated without reference to other works. A reader who is more familiar with the literature will find here a systematic consolidation of the emerging consensus, together with important new material -- particularly as regards the political process, social movements, and the revitalization of democracy. At one level, in terms of the substance of its analysis, this book is intended for global audiences: it is about global transformation, not just the transformation of a single society. At another level, in terms of the style of its presentation, the book is aimed primarily at Western audiences, and in particular the reader will detect a distinctly American perspective in the material. Partly this is a result of my own background, having grown up in California. More importantly however, the Western and American orientation is intentional. It is Western governments, in particular the American government, which have the preponderance of military and economic power in the world. Unless transformation occurs in America and the rest of the West, it cannot be achieved anywhere, at least not in a way that can last. There are certain terms that are used differently in America, Britain, and Europe, which I should probably clarify in advance. In America, the term "liberal" refers to a person who in Europe would probably be known as a Social Democrat or perhaps a Green, and who in Britain might be a Labor or Lib-Dem voter. The term "neoliberalism," used commonly in Europe but less so in America, refers to free-trade economics and the globalization agenda. The term "neocon," short for neoconservative, refers to the right-wing ideological clique that currently dominates Washington politics, as personified by Donald Rumsfeld and Dick Cheney. As a final note of introduction, I'd like to say something about my own ideological prejudices, and what "kind of person" this book is intended for. For most of my life I would have put myself squarely in the liberal camp, in the American sense. I hated racists and bigots, thought guns and capital punishment should be outlawed, that abortion should be freely available, and that religion was a case of mass hypnosis. When I first started writing, about ten years ago, I was hoping to "educate" those on the right, and convert them to my enlightened, rational, liberal thinking. As it turns out, my prejudices have not really changed much, but my attitude toward "those on the right" has changed considerably. In my attempts to debate right-wing thinkers on the Internet and in person, I found that I was learning more from them than they were learning from me. Their views on the evils of big government, their emphasis on self-reliance and local solidarity, and their skepticism regarding the mainstream media impressed me as being very sensible perspectives. I began to see that we liberals had blind spots and prejudices every bit as objectionable as those we criticized in our right-wing brethren. I began to see that ideological labels are divisive, and that underneath the skin we are all real people with sincere contributions to make to our societies. I will not be able to hide my liberal biases in this material; it comes out in the language that I use and in my choice of examples. But I hope this will not deter those of you who are of a conservative persuasion, and who may be deeply religious, from giving consideration to what I have to say. Not to give away the plot, but in the end social transformation depends on our ability, as human beings, members of an allegedly sentient species, to get beyond our superficial differences and realize that we are all in this together, and that a better world for one is a better world for all. Richard Moore Wexford, Ireland March 2005 -------------------------------------------------------- -- ============================================================ If you find this material useful, you might want to check out our website (http://cyberjournal.org) or try out our low-traffic, moderated email list by sending a message to: •••@••.••• You are encouraged to forward any material from the lists or the website, provided it is for non-commercial use and you include the source and this disclaimer. Richard Moore (rkm) Wexford, Ireland "Escaping The Matrix - Global Transformation: WHY WE NEED IT, AND HOW WE CAN ACHIEVE IT ", somewhat current draft: http://www.ratical.org/co-globalize/rkmGlblTrans.html _____________________________ "...the Patriot Act followed 9-11 as smoothly as the suspension of the Weimar constitution followed the Reichstag fire." - Srdja Trifkovic There is not a problem with the system. The system is the problem. Faith in ourselves - not gods, ideologies, leaders, or programs. _____________________________ cj list archives: http://cyberjournal.org/cj/show_archives/?lists=cj newslog list archives: http://cyberjournal.org/cj/show_archives/?lists=newslog _____________________________ Informative links: http://www.indymedia.org/ http://www.globalresearch.ca/ http://www.MiddleEast.org http://www.rachel.org http://www.truthout.org http://www.williambowles.info/monthly_index/ http://www.zmag.org http://www.co-intelligence.org ============================================================
