Dear rn, Below is my first attempt to rewrite material more in line with feedback received from publishers. Given that this is an Introduction, it is somewhat abstract and lacks the examples that have been requested for the body of the text. But I do hope this succeeds better in guiding the reader through the arguments. Let me know what you think. -rkm ------------------------------------------------------------------------ Achieving a Livable World Part II - Introduction - draft 2 Copyright 1998 by Richard K. Moore Version: 21 October 1998 - 2420 words comments to: •••@••.••• ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- Part II - Envisioning a livable world: an inquiry into democracy, sustainability, and world order ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- Introduction ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- The necessity of global revolution ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ Part I examined the path on which the world is currently headed under the control of the well-entrenched Western capitalist oligarchy. Our investigation revealed that societies and economies are being systematically and intentionally destabilized by free trade polices and by interventions of the IMF. A global economy is being imposed on the world which is rapidly being dominated by a handful of giant TNC's. A de facto world government has been established which serves TNC interests, has no democratic representation whatever, and which is backed by Western military power. Democracy and national infrastructures are being dismantled as sovereignty is being transferred to TNC-dominated global bureaucracies. The Earth is being poisoned and its life-support resources are being squandered in the pursuit of never-ending capital growth. Poverty, starvation, and disease are becoming rampant worldwide while a global regime of Civilization Clash is being established to maintain world order in the midst of ongoing tension and strife. As the mass-media is being concentrated into the hands of a few global conglomerates, populations are being fed a steady diet of disinformation, escapist entertainment, and neoliberal propaganda. As Western societies are being downgraded to the status of Third World societies, police-state regimes are being established to contain popular unrest. Factionalism and fundamentalist ideologies are being systematically promulgated worldwide so that groups and nations will struggle against one another rather than uniting in opposition to the global capitalist regime. As the Earth's fragile ecosystems are being pushed to the breaking point, the world is faced with the very real possibility of the total breakdown of civilization and the massive die-off of populations. Alternatively, if the capitalist oligarchy decides to change course and cease the pursuit of unmaintainable economic growth, the world faces a bleak future enslaved under the thumb of global tyranny. Is there any hope for humanity? Can capitalist domination be overcome? Is it too late to change course, restore a healthy environment, and establish democratic and sustainable societies? No one can answer these questions with certainty, but I suggest that we, the world's people, must make the effort to save ourselves and the Earth. If we fail to do so we are betraying everything decent in humanity's heritage and we are condemning our progeny to a dire fate. We have nothing to lose and everything to gain by standing up for ourselves and courageously challenging the oppressive global system that now controls our lives. Part III of this book will examine the history of social movements, and of revolutions, and will endeavor to develop a practical strategy for non-violent, global, democratic revolution. Please let me clear: when I use the word revolution, I am not referring to armed insurrection. I simply mean that the transformation needed to replace the capitalist system goes so deep that it can only be called a revolutionary change, and I further mean that such a transformation can only be achieved by means that go far beyond the normal channels of reform and participation in elections. In Part II, we will develop the goals of such a non-violent revolution -- we will investigate the nature of a livable world. Identifying the fundamental principles of a livable world ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ If we the people are to somehow join forces and strive to change the world, based on a shared understanding that the capitalist system severely threatens our well-being, the first step is to agree on our fundamental vision of a better world, of a livable world. No project can succeed unless there is agreement on the goals of the project. This is as true for global revolution as it is for building a bridge or planning a military campaign. Without agreement on basic goals there cannot be effective collaborative effort. Achievement of a shared vision for a livable world is itself a formidable undertaking. Even among sincere and informed political activists there are a wide range of future visions, many of them in contradiction with one another. Marxists and socialists, for example, seek a change in the basis of power in society, and a more equitable distribution of wealth. Environmentalists think more in terms of limiting growth and protecting the health of living systems. What are often called "right wing" groups emphasize a reaffirmation of national sovereignty, national interests, and personal liberties. Some groups, on the other hand, seek salvation through a world government, based on the principles of peace, human rights, and democracy. Religious and spiritual groups seek a better world through greater adherence to this or that religious doctrine, or perhaps through the achievement of universal personal enlightenment. With such a diversity of visions being actively pursued, the prospects for general agreement on the part of the world's people seem remote indeed. Nonetheless, I suggest, the problem of reaching agreement on basic goals is not as insurmountable as it may at first appear. We are, after all, not seeking to define an ideal utopia, but rather to agree on goals that are practically achievable. The real world offers many constraints on what is possible, and these constraints limit our choices for an achievable, livable world. In addition, history provides many examples which inform us as to how various ideas work out in practice, and these lessons further limit our choices. In Part II, I will endeavor to explore these constraints and lessons in a systematic way, and attempt to demonstrate that we don't really have as many choices as we might suppose. Realism -- the recognition of necessities -- forces us into a considerable degree of agreement if our quest is to be practical and not utopian. Furthermore, it is not necessary to achieve agreement as to every detail of a better world. The most we can hope to achieve is agreement on the fundamental principles for such a world. The actual formulation of detailed policy can only occur after the capitalist regime has been replaced. The goal of a revolution can only be to establish a basic framework of principles upon which a better global society can be established. The identification of those principles is necessary to enable revolutionary solidarity, and it is necessary to start the new world off on the track to livability. With all due humility, let us begin to investigate what principles must realistically and necessarily be included in such a framework. Without certain essential principles, I hope to show, a livable world cannot be achieved. And beyond those principles, I hope it will become clear, it is both futile and unnecessary to seek agreement. The reader must be the judge as to the soundness of these arguments, but if they are valid, I suggest that the framework to be developed in Part II can be of considerable help in achieving a livable world. By identifying objective necessities, rather than describing what may seem subjectively desirable, this framework can contribute to the unified vision that is necessary to enable a successful global revolution. Let us first consider the principle of sustainability, or stability. Sustainability, or stability, refers to the ability of a system to continue operating over time. If our framework for a livable world does not include sustainability as a fundamental principle, then we would simply be passing on a tougher problem to future generations. We would be setting up a system that was destined, eventually, to collapse. The principle of sustainability is most familiar as it applies to the Earth's resources. Clearly any society which is based on the rapid depletion of the Earth's resources cannot be sustained for long. But the principle of sustainability and stability also applies more generally to other aspects of society. Political arrangements, for example, need to be stable if a livable society is to endure over time. Sustainability is not just a dream of environmental purists, but is in fact a necessary principle in the framework of a livable world. Chapter 5 will investigate further what is implied by the principle of sustainability. Let us next consider the principle of democracy. Democracy is much more difficult to define than is sustainability. Given that the world is now controlled by a capitalist oligarchy, we can hardly look to our current political systems as being models for democracy. Permit me to offer a common-sense, functional definition of democracy for our consideration. Democracy -- a citizens' test ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ A society is democratic if people generally feel they are in control of their destinies and that society is operating for their benefit. A society is undemocratic if people generally feel their interests are not being served by society, and that they have little or no control over their own destinies or the direction of society. If a society passes the citizens' test -- if its people generally feel they are in control of their destinies, etc. -- then I suggest that the society deserves to be called democratic, even if its structures do not fit the standard Western democratic model. On the other hand, if a society does not pass the citizens' test, then I suggest the society is undemocratic regardless of how admirable its constitution or its formal institutions might seem to be. In fact, as I will endeavor to show in Chapter 4, democracy has more to do with the participation of citizens in the process of societal decision making than it has to do with formal institutions. The formal structures of the leading Western nations, for example, may in fact be compatible with democracy, but they are not currently functioning as democracies. Using this functional definition, I suggest that democracy is as necessary to a livable world as is sustainability. Can we call a world "livable" if people generally feel their interests are not being served, and that they have little or no control over their destinies? Even if such a world happened to provide temporary well-being to citizens, there would be no guarantee those conditions would continue to prevail. Only the people themselves can judge whether their society is livable, and only in a functioning democracy do people have the means to ensure that society remains livable. The question of whether functional democracies are achievable, and how they might work, will be explored in chapter 4. The point I am arguing here is that such democracy is necessary for livability -- if democracy cannot be achieved, then livability cannot be assured. If we seek a framework for a livable world, then functional democracy must be a fundamental principle of that framework, along with sustainability and stability. The third principle I would like to offer for discussion is that of world order. If a livable world is to be sustainable, then clearly there must be a reliable system of world order -- this is almost a matter of definition. If the world order is unstable, if the potential threat of war always looms, then no society can be assured stability, no matter how enlightened its political and economic systems might be. A stable system of world order is a third necessary principle in the framework for a livable world. Chapter 6 will investigate the question of how a stable world order can be achieved and maintained. Above, I said that Part III of this book will "endeavor to develop a practical strategy for non-violent, global, democratic revolution". Part of this strategy, I will argue, is that the revolution can only succeed if it succeeds globally. If there are hold-out nations, which insist on maintaining non-sustainable societies and undemocratic regimes, and which refuse to collaborate in a stable system of world order, then all societies are endangered. Chapter 6 will also investigate the problem of achieving universal adoption of the principles of livability. Claim: This framework is complete ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ I have argued that the three fundamental principles of sustainability, functional democracy, and a stable world order are necessary to achieve a livable world and to maintain it into the future. I have also argued that these principles need to be adopted everywhere in order to ensure the stability of such a world. I now suggest, and will argue systematically in Part II, that these principles are all that are needed. Everything else that people would typically expect in a better world are either implied by these principles, or else they are matters that could never be agreed to by everyone and must necessarily be allowed to vary according to local circumstances. Consider for example the principle that population levels must be limited if humanity is to survive. This does not need to be stated as a separate principle because it is already implied by the general principle of sustainability. If population levels are unsustainable in a society, then that society is unsustainable generally. Population limits will be discussed in Chapter 5, along with many other principles that are necessarily implied by sustainability. Such principles include strong environmental protection, reduced levels of energy consumption, the establishment of non-capitalist economies, the re-allocation of corporate-controlled resources and facilities, and many others. Similarly, as shall be discussed in Chapter 4, the general principle of democracy necessarily implies many other principles. Such principles include the protection of human rights, free and open access to accurate information, the reform of political institutions, respect for local self-determination, and many others. Chapter 5 will endeavor to show that a stable world order necessarily implies that global armament levels be reduced dramatically, that all weapons of mass destruction be dismantled, that global adherence be maintained to the principles of a livable world, and much more. When the three general principles are considered together, they imply still further principles. Consider for example the question of world government. Given the principle that a stable world order is needed, most people today would assume that a centralized world government is necessary. In Chapter 6, however, I will argue that no centralized world government could be either stable or democratic. Stability, as will be demonstrated by a consideration of system dynamics, is much better assured by a decentralized system of world order. And democracy, it will be argued, is very difficult to sustain if the unit of sovereignty is too large. Many of today's nations may already be too large for functional democracy to be achieved and maintained -- a centralized world government would make democracy all but impossible. Fundamental principles of a livable world ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ (1) sustainability and stability (2) functional democracy (3) stable world order (4) global adherence to the above principles [end Part II introduction] ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- [Table of Contents] Achieving a Livable World Copyright 1998 by Richard K. Moore Latest update: 21 October 1998 comments to: •••@••.••• Summary of Contents [1 page] ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- Table of Contents ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- Introduction Part I - Corporate rule and global ruin: understanding the dynamics of today's world Chapter 1 - Evolution of world power: from Pax Romana to Pax Americana, by way of competitive imperialism Chapter 2 - Evolution of political power: from kingdoms to corporate rule, by way of republics Chapter 3 - Evolution of capitalism: the growth imperative, societal engineering, and the finite Earth Part II - Envisioning a livable world: an inquiry into democracy, sustainability, and world order Introduction Chapter 4 - Democracy: collaboration and harmonization instead of competition and factionalism Chapter 5 - Sustainable societies: a realizable necessity Chapter 6 - Collaborative internationalism: culture-diversity and the trap of world government Part III - Achieving a livable world: the necessity of non-violent democratic revolution Introduction Chapter 7 - Building a global movement: learning from history and moving beyond class struggle Chapter 8 - Engaging the corporate regime: anticipating elite responses and avoiding co-option Chapter 9 - The Democratic Renaissance: making the transition to a livable world ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- This material is a draft book in-progress. You are encouraged to send feedback to the author at •••@••.•••. Non-commercial forwarding is hereby authorized, in entirety, including this sig. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- ------------------------------------------------------------------------ Create a sane and livable world in vibrant democratic societies. Bring global corporate power under control. CITIZENS FOR A DEMOCRATIC RENAISSANCE mailto:•••@••.••• http://cyberjournal.org --- To join the discussion on bringing about a movement for a democratic renaissance, send any message to: •••@••.••• --- To subscribe to the the cj list, which is a larger list and a more general political discussion, send any message to: •••@••.••• --- To review renaissance-network archives, send any message to: •••@••.••• ----------------------------------- A community will evolve only when the people control their means of communication. -- Frantz Fanon