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A GUIDEBOOK: HOW THE WORLD WORKS AND HOW WE CAN CHANGE IT
(C) 2000, Richard K. Moore
http://cyberjournal.org/
Chapter 2:
What kind of world do we want?
===> a. Globalization: crisis and opportunity
b. Birth scenario for a new global system
c. Fundamental principles of a livable world
d. Localism, diversity, and genuine democracy
e. Sustainability and its political implications
f. Decentralized sovereignty and global stability
g. Human evolution and the liberation of the spirit
Recommended reading <=== [ references welcome - rkm ]
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2.a. Globalization: crisis and opportunity
"How well we know all this! How often we have
witnessed it in our part of the world! The
machine that worked for years to apparent
perfection, faultlessly, without a hitch, falls
apart overnight. The system that seemed likely
to reign unchanged, world without end, since
nothing could call its power in question amid
all those unanimous votes and elections, is
shattered without warning. And, to our
amazement, we find that everything was quite
otherwise than we had thought."
- Václav Havel, 1975
"The first step is to penetrate the clouds of
deceit and distortion and learn the truth about
the world, then to organise and act to change
it. That's never been impossible and never been
easy."
- Noam Chomsky
The Chinese symbol for 'crisis' embodies a bit of folk
wisdom - it is made by combining the symbols for 'danger'
and 'opportunity'. The crisis of globalization certainly
endangers the future of humanity, but does it provide any
kind of opportunity? Is there any reason to expect that
humanity can escape from the clutches of the global
regime - when for centuries nothing has been able to
reverse the advance of capitalism and imperialism? The
capitalist regime seems more entrenched in power now than
ever before... where is there any ray of hope?
In fact, there are many rays of hope. Consider, for
example, the question of how 'well entrenched' capitalism
actually is, particularly in comparison to the days
before globalization.
Capitalism's dwindling base of support
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
For centuries, up until 1945, the leading Western nations
were engaged in competition for empires and spheres of
influence. This meant that the interests of capitalism
were fundamentally aligned with national ambitions,
popular patriotism - and with national prosperity.
Capitalist industry provided the muscle of empire - and
jobs - while strong Western nations provided safe-haven
fortresses for capitalist elites. Western nations
dominated the globe, and capitalism was an integral part
of national success. In _those days capitalism was indeed
well entrenched.
In pursuing globalization, elites have abandoned their
own time-honored success formula. They are betting that
their New-World-Order system, with its elite hi-tech
warriors and sophisticated media propaganda, will protect
them in their new WTO fortress. Perhaps they are right -
their plans seem to be succeeding so far. But the fact
remains that their entrenched power has become largely
illusory. Capitalism is no longer delivering the goods to
Western workers - or even Western middle classes - and
people look to the future with increasing apprehension.
Before 1945, it would have been nearly impossible to
assemble a majority movement in the West around a
post-capitalist agenda. The system was working to the
benefit of too many segments of the population.
Globalization has changed all that. According to
objective conditions, it is now in most people's
overwhelming best interest to rise up and replace the
reckless, greedy, self-serving regime. A latent social
demand for political and economic transformation now
exists - and we can thank globalization for that. In this
case, crisis has indeed brought with it an opportunity.
Whether this latent demand can be actualized - in an
effective movement to replace capitalism - is of course
an entirely different question. In Chapter 3, we will
turn our full attention to that topic. For now, let us
continue exploring this question of 'globalization as
opportunity'. If we can find reason to hope that things
might actually change, then our investigation into "What
kind of world do we want?" will have a lot more meaning.
And if we can achieve an informed notion of _how such
change might arise, then our investigation will be guided
by an initial scenario - the starting conditions under
which new-world creation might begin.
The nation as community
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
Under globalization, elites have abandoned
nations-as-fortresses, and with their neoliberalism they
have been stealing the family treasures - leaving nations
in debt and strapped for cash. Post-Reagan media
propaganda has steered us away from patriotism, and has
undermined respect for national institutions. Perhaps the
disrespect is deserved, but it is noteworthy that elites
are actively undermining national integrity in so many
ways. Having abandoned the once-proud nation fortresses,
it seems the global regime is endeavoring to scuttle them
as rapidly as possible - lest they serve as the defensive
bastions of other occupiers.
And therein lies a second opportunity for the movement -
again, an opportunity inherent in globalization itself.
We have the opportunity to take the high ground with
respect to national sentiment and national prosperity. We
can re-invent national spirit as a connection with place,
a sense of community - the symbol of shared destiny,
culture, and heritage. We can redefine national
prosperity as 'decent lives in healthy communities'. We
can claim the nation as a bastion of the post-capitalist
civil society - a macro sustainable community composed of
local sustainable communities.
Such radical re-thinking of the meaning and potential of
national sentiment opens an opportunity for alliance
building between progressive and conservative elements.
Conservatives, many of whom retain a traditional respect
for patriotism, might be receptive to an approach from
progressives who have positive proposals for getting 'our
nation back on track', returning power to communities,
and reviving the economic viability of locally-based
markets. If the movement can succeed in uniting people
around an enlightened and revivified notion of national
spirit, that could go a long way toward establishing the
movement as a broad-based, grass-roots force to be
reckoned with.
The creative response to environmental crisis
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
One of the crises brought by globalization has been the
acceleration of resource depletion, and the reckless
stressing of environmental limits. This
survival-threatening crisis has motivated scientists and
others to explore alternative ways of doing things. We
now have a rich literature - and a body of real-world
research - regarding sustainable economics and
agriculture, energy-saving practices, appropriate
technologies, and the like. This crisis has given us the
impetus to develop the core principles of a sustainable
post-capitalist world.
Globalization of the movement
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
With electronic communications, and the popularization of
jet travel, globalization has made everyone aware of the
'global community'. The potential for collaboration
globally among movements is greatly enhanced by these
developments, and already anti-globalization protests are
routinely coordinated on a global basis. Globalization
has broken down national borders, and that gives us the
opportunity to globalize the movement.
Conclusions
^^^^^^^^^^^
We have a regime which is not serving the needs of most
people - and whose agenda ensures that conditions will
continue to decline. The regime's only defense is that
'free markets' will 'someday' make everything all right.
More and more people are rejecting that shallow
propaganda lie, and a movement is rapidly taking form.
The movement is popularly perceived as being made up of
'leftists', 'tree-huggers', and 'anarchists', but the
fundamental appeal of the movement is universal -
essentially everyone is being screwed by modern
capitalism. As diverse elements in the movement find ways
to work together, the energy and scale of the movement
could increase very rapidly. The times are definitely
ripe for the _right kind_ of movement - and globalization
has created the conditions which give us a reasonable
chance for success.
In the course of my investigations I have noticed a kind
of split, or lack of understanding, between movement
theoreticians and front-line activists. Activists refer
to thinkers as 'policy wonks', and often assume it's up
to 'them' to worry about 'technical' matters. 'Real
activists' are out there making noise, and in the midst
of engagement theory can seem irrelevant. I suggest that
this section on 'opportunity' illustrates how critically
necessary it is to inform activism with analysis - and to
apply analysis to the practice of activism. Before we
were able to _begin looking for opportunities, we needed
a suitable analysis of globalization and its dynamics.
And in the search itself, we applied an analytical eye to
the problems of the movement. Movement action and
understanding must evolve together synergistically - as
in any other human endeavor. Academics and activists need
to spend more time together - as peers in two-way dialog.
A movement to overcome global capitalism can be seen as a
David & Goliath contest, with the movement in the role of
wily David. The key word in this metaphor is 'wily'. A
David does not overcome a Goliath by employing random
blind assaults on the barricades, or the WTO meetings. A
David must be more clever than his more powerful opponent;
he must be quicker on his feet; he must have an eye for
opportunities; he must think ahead. Most activists, like
most people in general, still have a pre-1945 model of
the world in their heads, with its aggressive
nationalism, its left-right competition, and its inherent
alignment with capital. They know 'something has
changed', but they haven't moved on to a model which
matches current reality. Until this 'understanding lag' -
and others like it - are addressed, our David stands
blindfolded as he faces Goliath.
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